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Editor's Note:I have access to the original (1784) published text of this document via a limited edition Canadian reprint, as well as a copy of the 1844 American edition. I would have preferred to present the original, but the Canadian edition is not a facsimile. So this text follows the 1844 edition, which includes some silent, but apparently minor editorial additions, changes and revisions. (Including an annoying habit of modernizing spelling inconsistently. For example, "sergeant" and "serjeant" are intermixed at random. On the other hand, the inconsistant spelling of Captain Diemar/Deimar's name must be blamed on Simcoe himself.) My standard Editor's Notes apply. |
[p13] The writer of these Memoirs has been induced to print them by a variety of reasons, among which the following are included. Actions erroneously attributed to others may be restored to those who really performed them: His own memory may be renewed, and preserved in their bosoms, whose patronage and confidence he acknowledges with pride and gratitude; while, at the same time, he bears testimony to the merits of those excellent officers and soldiers whom it was his good fortune to command, during the late war in America: a war which he always considered as forced upon Great Britain, and in which he served from principle. Events, however unfortunate, can neither alter its nature nor cancel his opinion. Had he supposed it to have been unjust, he would have resigned his commission; for no true soldier and servant of his country will ever admit that a British officer can divest himself of the duties of a citizen, or in a civil contest is bound to support the cause his conscience rejects.
The command of a light corps, or, as it is termed, the service of a partisan, is generally esteemed the best mode of instruction for those who aim at higher stations; as it gives an opportunity of exemplifying professional acquisitions, fixes the habit of self-dependance for resources, and obliges to that prompt decision which in the common rotation of duty subordinate officers can seldom exhibit, yet without which none can be qualified for any trust of importance. To attain this employment was therefore an early object with the author; nor could he be diverted from his purpose by the shameful character of dishonesty, rapine, and falsehood, supposed to attend it; at least by those who formed their judgment on the conversation of such officers as had been witnesses to the campaigns in Germany. He had fairer examples to profit from; as the page of military history scarcely details more spirited exertions in this kind of service, [p14] than what distinguishingly marked the last civil commotions in England; and Massey's well known saying, "that he could not look upon the goods of any Englishman as those of an enemy," delineated the integrity of the citizen, and the honourable policy of the soldier.
His intimate connection with that most upright and zealous officer the late Admiral Graves, who commanded at Boston in the year 1775, and some services which he was pleased to entrust him with, brought him acquainted with many of the American loyalists: from them he soon learned the practicability of raising troops in the country whenever it should be opened to the King's forces; and the propriety of such a measure appeared to be self-evident. He therefore importuned Admiral Graves to ask of General Gage that he might enlist such negroes as were in Boston, and with them put himself under the direction of Sir James Wallace, who was then actively engaged at Rhode island, and to whom that colony had opposed negroes; adding to the Admiral, who seemed surprised at his request, "that he entertained no doubt he should soon exchange them for whites:" Gen. Gage, on the Admiral's application, informed him that the negroes were not sufficiently numerous to be serviceable, and that he had other employment for those who were in Boston.
When the army sailed from Halifax for Staten Island, the author was Captain of the grenadier company of the 40th regiment, and during the time of winter quarters at Brunswick, in 1776, went purposely to New-York to solicit the command of the Queen's Rangers, then vacant. The boat he was in, being driven from the place of its destination, he was exceedingly chagrined to find that he had arrived some hours too late: but he desired that Col. Cuyler, Sir William Howe's Aid-de-Camp, would mention his coming thither to him, as well as his design. On the army's embarking for the Chesapeake, be wrote to General Grant, under whom he had served, requesting his good offices in procuring him a command like that of the Queen's Rangers, if any other corps intended for similar employment should be raised in the country, to which the expedition was destined.
These circumstances are related, not only as introductory to the subsequent journal, but to show how very early his thoughts were bent on attaining the command of a corps raised in America, for the active duty of light troops.
[p15] The journal, as it is, in its own nature, not generally interesting, and guarded from any observations foreign to the subject, he by no means wishes to obtrude upon the public; but hopes it will be favourably received by those to whom he shall offer it as a testimony of respect, and with whom it may claim some indulgence, as the particular nature and event of the American war gives a degree of consequence to operations however minute: for it terminated not in the loss of some petty fortress, or trivial island,but in the divulsion of a continent from a continent; of a world from a world.
The officer who conducts a light corps properly, will in his small sphere make use of the same principles which Generals apply to the regulation of armies. He will naturally imitate the commanders under whom he serves; while the individuals of his corps (for in such a service only individuals become of importance) will manifest a spirit which probab[l]y the whole army may possess without having similar opportunities of calling it into action.
History cannot produce examples of more ardent zeal in the service of their country, than that which characterised the British officers and soldiers in America. They despised all those conveniences without which it would be thought impracticable for European armies to move. They did not tamely wait for the moment of exertion in the precise line of their duty, but boldly sought out danger and death; and no sooner was one officer lost on any hazardous service than many competitors appeared to succeed in the post of honour. It was this spirit which, among uncommon difficulties, so frequently triumphed over numbers of brave, skilful, and enterprising opponents. The British soldier who thought himself' superior, actually became so; and the ascendancy which he claimed was in many instances importantly admitted by his antagonists. Nor was this spirit, the result of principle, confined to the operations of the field: it was shown in the hour of civil persecution and rigorous imprisonment; in situations where coolness supplies the place of activity, and thought precedes execution. General Gage in a celebrated letter to Washington at the commencement of the war, had said, "that such trials would be met with the fortitude of martyrs;" and the behaviour of the loyalists amply confirmed his prophesy.
The British Generals were commonly obliged to hazard their armies without any possibility of retreat in case of misadventure: they trusted to the spirit and discipline of [p16] their troops; and the decision, with which they risked themselves, forms the most striking and singular feature of the American war. Nor was this only done when the armies were in their full force; by Sir William Howe in his campaigns, particularly in the glorious battle of the Brandywine; by Sir Henry Clinton in his celebrated march through the Jersies; by Earl Cornwallis in a latter period at Guildford, when the war was transferred to the Carolinas; and eminently by Lord Rawdon, who was
"Left to bide the disadvantage of a field
"Where nothing but the sound of Britain's name
"Did seem defensible,"
but the same spirit was infused into the smallest operations; and the light troops in their enterprises, confident in the superiority of their composition, scarcely admitted the idea of retreat, or calculated against the contingency of a repulse. An account of the Queen's Rangers, and their operations, will elucidate the preceding positions; show in such a point of view their similitude to the British army, and contain, as it were, an epitome of its history.
This Journal alleges no fact but what the author believes to be true; the frequent introduction of his own name may appear redundant, but is absolutely necessary to the perspicuity of the work. He never valued himself so highly on the actions which it was his good fortune to perform to the satisfaction of his superiors, as voluntarily to prescribe them for the boundaries of his professional ambition. Yet, as a British officer, should he live to double the number of years which he has already devoted to the service of his country, it is scarcely possible that he shall ever be appointed to so important a trust as that which he solicited, when he offered to fortify and maintain Billingsport: And as an European soldier, and an European subject, what field for honourable enterprise can ever be so wide, as that which he would have expatiated in, had he according to his own plan, joined the Indians; directed them to Collateral exertion; and associating the loyalists of the back countries zealous in the British cause, united them with the enemies of Congress; set before them the Queen's Rangers as their most necessary guides and examples; led the whole combination to incessant and adventurous action during the war; and if victorious, had remained at their head in that hour when America was declared independent by a critical and unexpected peace!
[p17] ON the 15th of October, 1777, Sir William Howe was pleased to appoint Captain Simcoe of the Grenadiers, with the Provincial rank of Major, to the command of the Queen's Rangers; the next day he joined the regiment, which was encamped with the army in the vicinity of Germantown.
On the 19th the army marched to Philadelphia, the Queen's Rangers formed the rear guard of the left column, and, in the encampment, their post was on the right of the line, in front of the village of Kensington; the army extending from the Delaware to the Schuylkill.
On the 20th the regiment was augmented with nearly an hundred men, who had been enlisted by Captain Smyth during the various marches from the landing of the army in the Chesapeake to this period.
This was a very seasonable recruit to the regiment; it had suffered materially in the action at Brandywine, and was too much reduced in numbers to be of any efficient service; but if the loss of a great number of gallant officers and soldiers had been severely felt, the impression which that action had left upon their minds was of the highest advantage [p18] to the regiment; officers and soldiers became known to each other; they had been engaged in a more serious manner, and with greater disadvantages than they were likely again to meet with in the common chance of war; and having extricated themselves most gallantly from such a situation, they felt themselves invincible. This spirit vibrated among them at the time Major Simcoe joined them; and it was obvious, that he had nothing to do but to cherish and preserve it. Sir William Howe, in consequence of their behaviour at Brandywine, had promised that all promotions should go in the regiment, and accordingly they now took place.
The Queen's Rangers2 had been originally raised in Connecticut, and the vicinity of New York, by Colonel Rogers, for the duties which their name implies, and which were detailed in his commission; at one period they mustered above four hundred men, all Americans, and all loyalists. Hardships and neglect had much reduced their numbers, when the command of them was given to Colonel French, and afterwards to Major Weymess, to whom Major Simcoe succeeded; their officers also had undergone a material change; many gentlemen of the Southern colonies who had joined Lord Dunmore, and distinguished themselves under his orders, were appointed to supersede those who were not thought competent to the commissions they had hitherto borne; to these were added some volunteers from the army, the whole consisting of young men, active, full of love of the service, emulous to distinguish themselves in it, and [p19] looking forward to obtain, through their actions, the honor of being enrolled with the British army.
The Provincial corps, now forming, were raised on the supposed influence which their officers had among their loyal countrymen, and were understood to be native American loyalists; added to an equal chance among these, a greater resource was opened to the Queen's Rangers, in the exclusive privilege of enlisting old countrymen (as Europeans were termed in America) and deserters from the rebel army; so that could the officers to whom the Commander in Chief delegated the inspection of the Provincial corps have executed their orders, the Queen's Rangers, however dangerously and incessantly employed, would never have been in want of recruits; at the same time, the original loyalists, and those of this description, who were from time to time enlisted, forming the gross of the corps, were the source from whence it derived its value and its discipline; they were men who had already been exiled for their attachment to the British government, and who now acted upon the firmest principles in its defence; on the contrary, the people they had to oppose, however characterised by the enemies of Great Britain, had never been considered by them as engaged in an honourable cause, or fighting for the freedom of their country; they estimated them not by their words, but by an intimate observance of their actions, and to civil desecration, experience had taught them to add military contempt. Such was the composition [p20] of the Queen's Rangers, and the spirit that animated it.
The junction of Captain Smyth's company augmented the regiment into eleven companies, the number of which was equalised, and the eleventh was formed of Highlanders. Several of those brave men, who had been defeated in an attempt to join the army in North Carolina, were now in the corps; to those others were added, and the command was given to Captain M'Kay; they were furnished with the Highland dress, and their national piper, and were posted on the left flank of the regiment, which consisted of eight battalions, a grenadier, and light infantry company. Upon the march from German Town to Kensington, Sir William Erskine, in directing what duties Major Simcoe should do, had told him to call upon him for dragoons whenever he wanted them; upon this, Major Simcoe took the liberty of observing, "that the clothing and habiliments of the dragoons were so different from those of the Queen's Rangers (the one being in red, and with white belts, easily seen at a distance, and the other in green, and accoutred for concealment) that he thought it would be more useful to mount a dozen soldiers of the regiment." Sir William Erskine highly approved of the idea, and sent a suitable number of horses, saddles, and swords; such men were selected for the service as the officers recommended for spirit and presence of mind; they were put under the direction of Kelly, a serjeant of distinguished gallantry. A light corps, augmented as that of the Queen's Rangers [p21] was, and employed on the duties of an outpost, had no opportunity of being instructed in the general discipline of the army, nor indeed was it very necessary: the most important duties, those of vigilance, activity, and patience of fatigue, were best learnt in the field; a few motions of the manual exercise were thought sufficient; they were carefully instructed in those of firing, but above all, attention was paid to inculcate the use of the bayonet, and a total reliance on that weapon. The divisions being fully officered, and weak in numbers, was of the greatest utility, and in many trying situations was the preservation of the corps; two files in the centre, and two on each flank, were directed to be composed of trained soldiers, without regard to their size or appearance. It was explained, that no rotation, except in ordinary duties, should take place among light troops, but that those officers would be selected for any service who appeared to be most capable of executing it: it was also enforced by example, that no service was to be measured by the numbers employed on it, but by its own importance, and that five men, in critical situations or employment, was a more honourable command than an hundred on common duties. Serjeant's guards were in a manner abolished, a circumstance to which in a great measure may be attributed, that no sentinel or guard of the Queen's Rangers was ever surprised; the vigilance of a gentleman and an officer being transcendantly superior to that of any non-commissioned officer whatsoever. An attention to the interior oeconomy of a company, indispensable [p22] as it is, by no means forms the most pleasing military duty upon service, where the officer looks up to something more essentially useful, and values himself upon its execution. A young corps raised in the midst of active service, and without the habits of discipline, which are learnt in time of peace, required the strictest attention in this point. It was observed, that regularity in messing, and cleanliness in every respect, conduced to the health of the soldier; and from the numbers that each regiment brought into the field, superior officers would in general form the best estimate of the attention of a corps to its interior oeconomy; and to enforce the performance of these duties in the strongest manner, it was declared in public orders, "that to such only when in the field, the commanding officer would entrust the duties of it, who should execute with spirit what belongs to the interior oeconomy of the regiment when in quarters." To avoid written orders as much as possible, after the morning parade, the officers attended, as the German custom is, and received verbally whatever could be so delivered to them, and they were declared answerable that every written order was read to the men on their separate parades.
Near the end of October the Queen's Rangers were directed to patrole beyond Frankfort, four miles from Philadelphia; it was the day that Colonel Donop made his unfortunate attempt on Red Bank; they advanced as far as the Red Lion, which several of the rebel officers had left a few minutes before.
[p23] The country in front of Philadelphia, where the Queen's Rangers were employed, was in general cleared ground, but intersected with many woods; the fields were fenced out with very high railing: the main road led straight from Philadelphia to Bristol Ferry on the Delaware; about five miles from Philadelphia, on this road, was Frankfort Creek which fell into the Delaware nearly at that distance, and the angle that it formed was called Point-no-Point, within which were many good houses and plantations.
Beyond the bridge over the creek, on a height, was the village of Frankfort; below the bridge it was not fordable, but it was easily passed in many places above it. The rebels frequently patrolled as far as Frankfort, and to a place called the Rocks, about a mile beyond it. Four miles farther was Pennypack Creek, over which was a bridge; three miles beyond this was the Red Lion tavern, and two miles further was Bristol, a small town opposite Burlington: this road was the nearest to the river Delaware; nearly parallel to it was the road to York, which was attended to by the light infantry, of the guards, and the army; there were many cross roads that intersected the country between these main roads, a most perfect knowledge of which was endeavored to be acquired by maps, drawn from the information of the country people, and by occular observation.
The village of Kensington was several times attacked by the rebel patrolling parties; they could come by means of the woods very near to it undiscovered; there was a road over a small creek to [p24] Point-no-Point; to defend this a house was made musket proof, and the bridge taken up; cavalry only approached to this post, for it lying, as has been mentioned, in an angle between the Delaware and the Frankfort road, infantry were liable to be cut off; on the left there was a knoll that overlooked the country; this was the post of the piquet in the daytime, but corn fields high enough to conceal the approach of an enemy reached to its basis; sentinels from hence inclined to the left and joined those of Colonel Twistleton's (now Lord Say and Sele) light infantry of the guards, so that this hill projected forward, and on that account was ordered by Sir William Erskine not to be defended if attacked in force, and it was withdrawn at night. It was usual, if the enemy approached, to quit this post till such time as the corps could get under arms, and the light infantry of the guards were informed of it; when, marching up the road, the enemy fearing to be shut up within the creek that has been mentioned, abandoned their ground and generally suffered in their retreat to the woods. At night the corps was drawn back to the houses nearer Philadelphia, and guards were placed behind breastworks, made by heaping up the fences in such points as commanded the avenues to the village; (which was laid out and enclosed in right angles;) these were themselves overlooked by others that constituted the alarm post of the different companies. Fires also were made in particular places before the piquet, to discover whatsoever should approach. Before day the whole corps was under arms, [p25] and remained so till the piquets returned to their day post, which they resumed, taking every precaution against ambuscades; the light infantry of the guards advanced their piquets at the same time, and Colonel Twistleton was an admirable pattern for attention and spirit, to all who served with him. He was constantly with the piquets, which generally found out the enemy's patroles, and interchanged shot with them: his horse was one morning wounded by a rifle shot. The mounted men of the Queen's Rangers were found very serviceable on these occasions. The woods in the front were every day diminishing, being cut down for the uses of the army, and the enemy kept at a greater distance. An attempt was made to surprize the rebel post at Frankfort; by orders from head quarters the Queen's Rangers were to march near to the bridge at Frankfort, and to lay there in ambuscade till such time as Major Gwyn, who made a circuit with a detachment of cavalry, should fall into the rear of the town. Accordingly the corps marched through bye paths, and attained its position: some dragoons at the appointed time passed the bridge from Frankfort. The light was not sufficient to enable the Rangers to discover whether they were friends or enemies, till upon their turning back and hearing a shot, the corps rushed into the town; unfortunately, either by accident or from information, the rebel post had been withdrawn. Some days after the Queen's Rangers, with thirty dragoons of the 16th, under Lieutenant Pidcock, marched at midnight to attempt the same post; after making a [p26] circuit, and nearly attaining the rear of the Jolly Post, the public house where the guard was kept, the party fell in with a patrole; this was cut off from the house; it luckily did not fire, but ran towards the wood: the detachment was carefully prevented from firing. No time was lost in the pursuit of the enemy, but the infantry crossed the fields immediately in the rear of the house, and a disposition was formed for attacking it, in case, as it well might have been, it should be defended: the cavalry made a circuit to the road in the rear, and the post was completely surprized. An officer and twenty men were taken prisoners, two or three of whom were slightly wounded in an attempt to escape; they were militia, and what is very remarkable, they had the word "Richmond" chalked in their hats; the officer said "Richmond was the countersign, and that he chalked it there that his men might not forget it." Serjeant Kelly dismounted an officer, and in pursuit of another man, left him; the officer gave his watch to another dragoon; it was however adjudged to the serjeant, as he was the person who dismounted him, spared his life, and pursued his duty. It is not improper here to observe, that formerly Major Simcoe had forbidden the soldiers to take watches, and indeed did so after this, 'till he accidentally overheard a man say it was not worth while to bring in a prisoner; he therefore made it a rule, that any one who took a prisoner, if he publicly declared he had his watch, should keep it; so that no soldier was interested to kill any man. This spirit of taking as many prisoners as possible was most [p27] earnestly attempted to be inculcated, and not without success. Soon after, as a strong patrole of cavalry, under Major Gwyn, was out, some of its men returned in great confusion, saying, "that they were attacked by a superior body, both in front and rear:" at the same time Colonel Twistleton and Major Simcoe, who were on the Knoll, occupied by the piquet of the Rangers, could perceive by the glittering of arms, a large body of foot in a wood, near which Major Gwyn was to return, they immediately took their respective piquets, about twenty men, and marched to mask the wood. The soldiers in camp were ordered to run to the Knoll, without waiting, and the officer of the piquet was directed to form them as fast as they came up, by twelves, and to forward them under the first officer or serjeant who should arrive. The whole regiment and the light infantry of the guards were soon on the march; the enemy in the wood retreated; and gaining better intelligence, Colonel Twistleton halted on the verge of it, till Major Gwyn, who had beaten back the enemy, returned. The next day it was known that Pulaski had commanded the enemy: a skirmish had happened the day before, between smaller parties, and he, supposing that a large patrole would be sent out from Philadelphia, obtained the command of a very strong one to ambuscade it; but, however able and spirited he might be, he was soon convinced that his irregulars could not withstand the promptitude and strength of the British cavalry.
Parties of the Rangers every day went to Frankfort, where the enemy no longer kept a fixed post, [p28] though they frequently sent a patrole to stop the market people. A patrolling party of the Rangers approached undiscovered so close to a rebel sentinel, posted upon the bridge, that it would have been easy to have killed him. A boy, whom he had just examined, was sent back to inform him of this, and to direct him immediately to quit his post or that he should be shot; he ran off, and the whole party, on his arrival at the guard, fled with equal precipitation; nor were there any more sentinels placed there: a matter of some consequence to the poor people of Philadelphia, as they were not prevented from getting their flour ground at Frankfort mills.
It was the object, to instil into the men, that their superiority lay in close fight, and in the use of the bayonet, in which the individual courage, and personal activity that characterise the British soldier can best display themselves. The whole corps being together on the Frankfort road, information was received that Pulaski with his cavalry was approaching; on each side of the road, for some distance, there was wood, and very high rails fenced it from the road; the march was not interrupted, and the following disposition was made to attack him. The light infantry in front were loaded, and occupied the whole space of the road; Captain Stephenson, who commanded it, was directed not to fire at one or two men, who might advance, but, either on their firing or turning back, to give notice of his approach, to follow at a brisk and steady rate, and to fire only on the main body when he came close to them. The eight battalion companies [p29] were formed about thirty feet from the light infantry, in close column by companies, their bayonets fixed, and not loaded; they were instructed not to heed the enemy's horses, but to bayonet the men. The grenadiers and Highland company were in the rear, loaded; and the directions given to Captain Armstrong were, that the grenadiers should cross the fences on the right, and the Highlanders those on the left, and secure the flanks; the men were so prepared and so chearful, that if the opportunity of rushing on Pulaski's cavalry had offered, which by the winding of the road was probable, before they could be put into career, there remains no doubt upon the minds of those who were present, but that it would have been a very honourable day for the Rangers.
On the 3d of November the news of the surrender of General Burgoyne's army was communicated in general orders. It was read to the Rangers on their parade; and amidst the distress that such an event must naturally occasion to Englishmen and soldiers, never did Major Simcoe feel himself more elevated, or augur better of the officers and men he had the honour to command, than when he came to the rejection of one of the proposed articles, in the following terms: "Sooner than this army will consent to ground their arms in their encampment, they will rush on the enemy, determined to take no quarter;" the whole corps thrilled with animation, and resentment against the enemy, and with sympathy for their fellow soldiers; it would have been the most favorable moment, had the enemy appeared, to have attacked them.
[p30] Major Grymes, a Virginia gentleman of loyalty, education, and fortune, who was second Major of the Queen's Rangers, at this time resigned his commission, to the great regret of Major Simcoe and of the corps, whose confidence he had won be extricating them from a very disadvantageous situation, by a decisive and bold exertion at Brandywine: he was succeeded in duties, with the rank of Captain Commandant, by Lieutenant Ross of the 35th regiment, with whose intrepidity, and zeal for the service, Major Simcoe was well acquainted.
The redoubts in front of Philadelphia being finished, the advance piquets were withdrawn and posted in them, that of the Queen's Rangers excepted; it remained without the redoubt, though it had fallen back much nearer to it: it was liable to insult, but it would have been difficult to have surprised it. The Knoll was still the outpost, and the general place to which many of the officers of the line rode, in order to laugh at the mounted men and their habiliments; but other troops of cavalry were now raising, and the utility of them, through all the ridicule of bad horses and want of appointments, became very obvious.
On General Washington's occupying the camp at Whitemarsh, Sir William Howe thought proper to move towards him, and the army marched accordingly on the 5th of December; the Queen's Rangers were ordered to flank the right of the baggage. The army encamped on Chestnut-Hill and its vicinity; and the piquet of the Rangers made fires on the road that led to it, so that the approach of any parties of [p31] the enemy could easily be seen. The army remained the next day in the same position. On the 7th, at night, Major Simcoe with the Queen's Rangers, and a party of dragoons under Captain Lord Cathcart, took up the position of some of the troops who had retired; this post was sometime afterwards quitted in great silence, and he joined the column that was marching under General Gray. The General marched all night, and on approaching the enemy's outpost, he formed his column into three divisions; the advanced guard of the centre consisted of the Hessian Yagers, who marched with their cannon up the road that led through the wood, in which the enemy's light troops were posted; the light infantry of the guards advanced upon the right, and the Queen's Rangers on the left; the enemy were outflanked on each wing, and were turned in attempting to escape by the unparalleled swiftness of the light infantry of the guards, and driven across the fire of the Yagers, and the Queen's Rangers. The loss of the rebels was computed at near an hundred, with little or none on the part of the King's troops; a mounted man of the Queen's Rangers, in the pursuit, was killed by a Yager, through mistake: he wore a helmet that had been taken from a rebel patrole a few days before. General Grey was pleased to express himself highly satisfied with the order and rapidity with which the Rangers advanced. The night was passed in a wood not for from the enemy's camp. The next day Major Simcoe patrolled in the vicinity: he left the infantry of his party at the edge of the wood, and approached [p32] a house; the owner of it, who supposed that all the British soldiers wore red, was easily imposed upon to believe him a rebel officer, and a cow-bell being, as preconcerted, rang in the wood, and an Officer galloping to Major Simcoe and telling him that the British were marauding and hunting the cattle, the man had no doubt of the matter, and instantly acquiesced in a proposal to fetch some more cavalry to seize the British; he accordingly mounted his horse and galloped off. The ambuscade was properly laid for whomsoever he should bring, when Captain Andre came with orders to retreat, the column being already in motion; the infantry were scarce sent off and the mounted men following, when about thirty of the rebel dragoons appeared in sight and on the gallop; they fired several carbine shot, to no purpose. The army returned to Philadelphia.
The disaster that happened to the mounted Ranger determined Major Simcoe to provide high caps, which might at once distinguish them both from the rebel army and their own; the mounted men were termed Huzzars, were armed with a sword, and such pistols as could be bought, or taken from the enemy; Major Simcoe's wish was to add a dagger to these arms, not only as useful in close action, but to lead the minds of the soldier to expect that decisive mode of combat. Several good horses had been taken from the rebels, so that the Huzzars were now well mounted, on hardy serviceable horses, which bore a very unusual share of fatigue. Lieutenant Wickham, an officer of quickness, and courage, was appointed to [p33] command them, and a serjeant of the 16th regiment of light dragoons attended their parade, to give them regularity in its duties.
Several men having deserted, Major Simcoe directed that the countersign should not be given to the sentinels; they were ordered to stop any persons at a distance, more than one, until the guard turned out; and in posting of sentinels, the rule was, to place them so that, if possible, they could see and not be seen, and in different posts in the night from those of the day. Near high-roads, double sentinels, without being loaded, were advanced beyond the front of the chain; these were composed of old soldiers who, with all others, were sedulously instructed to challenge very loud. The sentinels were relieved every hour. The subaltern frequently patrolled, as did the captain of the day, and the field officers: the consequence was, that the Queen's Rangers never gave a false alarm, or had a sentinel surprised, during the war. It is remarkable that a man deserted at this time who left all his necessaries, regimentals excepted: he had lately come from Europe, and, to all appearance, had enlisted merely to facilitate his joining the rebel army.
It may be here a proper place to describe the country in front of Philadelphia; and the general duties on which the Queen's Rangers were employed, during the winter.
The road on the right, and nearest the Delaware, has been already mentioned by the name of the Frankfort road: from the centre of Philadelphia, the main road led up the country, and about two miles off, at [p34] the Rising Sun, it branched into the Old York road on the right, and that of the Germantown on the left. The light infantry of the guards patrolled up the York-Town road, as that of the line did the Germantown; those that ran on the side of the Schuylkill, were in front of the Yagers, and patrolled by them. The Queen's Rangers, by their position, were at the greatest distance from Mr. Washington's camp, which was now at Valley Forge, beyond the Schuylkill, and as the course of the Delaware inclined away from the Schuylkill, the distance was considerably increased; so that no detachment from his camp could have been made without extreme hazard; from the York-Town road, therefore, on the left, and the Delaware river on the right, Major Simcoe felt no apprehensions; when he passed Frankfort creek in front he was to be guided by circumstances. The general directions he received was to secure the country, and facilitate the inhabitants bringing in their produce to market.
To prevent this intercourse, the enemy added, to the severe exertions of their civil powers, their militia. The roads, the creeks, and the general inclination of the inhabitants to the British government, and to their own profit, aided the endeavour of the Queen's Rangers. The redoubt on the right had been garrisoned by the corps till, on Major Simcoe's representation that the duty was too severe, it was given to the line: within this redoubt the corps fitted up their barracks. The 4th of January was the first day since their landing at the head of Elk, that any man could be permitted to unaccoutre.
[p35] There is not an officer in the world who is ignorant, that permitting the soldier to plunder, or maraud, must inevitably destroy him; that, in a civil war, it must alienate the large body of people who, in such a contest, are desirous of neutrality, and sour their minds into dissatisfaction: but, however obvious the necessity may be, there is nothing more difficult than for a commander in chief to prevent marauding. The numerous orders that are extant in King Charles' and the Parliament's army, prove it in those dreadful times; and the Duke of Argyle, in his description of the Dutch auxiliaries, in the year 1715, who, he says, "were mighty apt to mistake friend for foe," exemplifies the additional difficulty where foreign troops are combined with natives. No officer could possibly feel the attention that was necessary to this duty more strongly than Major Simcoe, and he thought himself warranted to declare, when a general order was given out to enforce it, "that it is with the utmost satisfaction Major Simcoe believes there would have been no necessity for the general orders of this day, had every corps of the army been as regular, in respect to their abstaining from plunder and marauding, as the Rangers. He trusts, that so truly a military behaviour will be continued; and that the officer and soldier of the corps will consider it as honourable to him as the most distinguished bravery." Major Simcoe took care to prevent the possibility of plunder, as much as lay in his power: he never halted, if he could avoid it, but in a wood; sent safeguards to every house; allowed no man, in marching, [p36] to quit his ranks; and was, in general, successful in instilling into the minds of the men, that while they protected the country, the inhabitants would give every information of the enemy's movements and ambuscades. The officers were vigilant in their attention to this duty, and the soldiers had admirable examples of discipline and good order, from the native loyalists of the corps, who were mostly non-commissioned officers. On the contrary, the rebel patroles, who came to stop the markets, were considered by the country people as robbers; and private signals were every where established, by which the smallest party of the Rangers would have been safe in the patrolling the country. The general mode that Major Simcoe adopted was, to keep perfectly secret the hour, the road, and the manner of his march; to penetrate, in one body, about ten miles into the country. This body generally marched in three divisions, one hundred yards from each other, so that it would have required a large force to have embraced the whole in an ambuscade, and either division, being upon the flank, it would have been hazardous for an enemy so inferior in every respect, but numbers, as the rebels were, to have encountered it; at ten or twelve miles the corps divided, and ambuscaded different roads; and at the appointed time returned home. There was not a bye path or ford unknown, and the Huzzars would generally patrole some miles in front of the infantry. The market people, who over-night would get into the woods, came out on the appearance of the corps, and proceeded [p37] uninterruptedly, and from market they had an escort, whenever it was presumed that the enemy was on the Philadelphia side of Frankfort to intercept them on their return into the woods. The infantry, however inclement the weather, seldom marched less than ninety miles a week; the flank companies, Highlanders, and Huzzars, frequently more: these marches were, by many people, deemed adventurous, and the destruction of the corps was frequently prophesied. The detail that has been exhibited, and experience, takes away all appearance of improper temerity; and, by these patroles, the corps was formed to that tolerance of fatigue, and marching, which excelled that of the chosen light troops of the army, as will hereafter be shown.
These matters have been dwelt upon, not only as they exhibit what is conceived to have been the drilling of the Queen's Rangers for more important services, but, as it proves that the protection of Philadelphia and the opening a way to its markets, were provided for by Sir William Howe, and that his orders were systematically and industriously obeyed.
The Huzzars, by this time, were encreased to thirty, mounted on such horses as they had taken from the enemy; and Ensign Proctor was added to them. The country in front of Philadelphia was foraged, and the Queen's Rangers formed the advance guard of the parties which made it; but it was with great reluctance that Major Simcoe saw Point-no-Point included in the general forage, as he had taken particular care to preserve it from plunder; it is impossible to protect [p38] any country from the depredations of foraging parties. The clothing of the Provincials was served by contract; the duties of the Queen's Rangers would have worn out much better; they were obliged, by the inclemency of the weather, to wear the new ones, without altering. It being determined, for the next year, to cloth the Provincials in red, Major Simcoe exerted himself to preserve the Rangers in green, and to procure for them green waistcoats: his purpose was to wear the waistcoats with their sleeves during the campaign, and to add sleeves to the shell, or outer coat, to be worn over the waistcoats in winter: green is without comparison the best color for light troops with dark accoutrements; and if put on in the spring, by autumn it nearly fades with the leaves, preserving its characteristic of being scarcely discernable at a distance.
At the end of February, General Wayne having been detached from Washington's army to collect such cattle as were in the lower Jersies, Sir William Howe sent Lieutenant-Colonel Abercrombie down the Delaware, to land and attack him, while Colonel Stirling with the 42d regiment and the Queen's Rangers, crossed that river opposite to Philadelphia, and marched to Haddonfield, to intercept him; at the same time, a detachment under Colonel Markham passed over, and took post at Cooper's ferry, to collect forage in its vicinity. Colonel Stirling reached Haddonfield early in the morning; some stragglers of Wayne's corps had just left it as he arrived there. The ground in front of the village was immediately [p39] occupied: the Queen's Rangers on the left, with their left flank to a creek which nearly extended the whole length of their front. A circumstance happened here, which, though not unusual in America and in the rebel mode of warfare, it is presumed is singular elsewhere. As Major Simcoe was on horseback, in conversation with Lieutenant Whitlock, and near the out sentinels, a rifle was fired, and the ball grazed between them; the ground they were on being higher than the opposite bank, the man who had fired was plainly seen, running off: Lieutenant Whitlock, with the sentinels, pursued him, and the guard followed in case of necessity, the piquets occupying their place; the man was turned by Mr. Whitlock, and intercepted, and taken by the sentinels. On being questioned, "how he presumed to fire in such a manner?" he answered, "that he had frequently fired at the Hessians, (who a few weeks before had been there,) and thought he might as well do so again." As he lived within half a mile of the spot, had he not been taken and the patroles pushed there the next day, they would have found him, it is probable, employed in his household matters, and stren[u]ously denying that he either possessed, or had fired a gun: he was sent prisoner to Philadelphia. Upon posting the guards, at night, they were augmented so as to have the rounds every fifteen minutes, and Major Simcoe recommended to the officer to be particularly alert, as it was reasonable to presume that Wayne, who had been surprised by General Grey, could have but two ideas: the one of being surprized himself, which the distance [p40] prevented; and the other of retaliation; which, having secured his convoy and being master of the country, there was every reason to apprehend and guard against.
Early the next morning Major Simcoe was detached to destroy such boats and stores as were upon Timber creek, and which had been conveyed thither when the naval armaments on the Delaware were burnt. As the boats appeared valuable, and some Refugees offered to carry them to Philadelphia, they were accordingly directed to fall down the creek; when fortunately one hundred and fifty barrels of tar, of which the fleet was in want, were discovered, and with this the boats were laden, and sent to Captain Hammond, who commanded the navy in the Delaware. The party returned in the evening with some few militia as prisoners, who, from their green clothing, had mistaken the Rangers for what they attempted to appear -- Wayne's rear guard. At midnight, Colonel Stirling sent for Major Simcoe, who found at his quarters one of those Refugees to whom the boats had been intrusted: he related, that during their progress down the creek, they had been attacked by the militia of the country, and that amidst the confusion he got ashore, and escaped. Major Simcoe was directed to march as early as possible, and to quell any of the militia who might be there, and to give an opportunity for the Refugees, who most probably had concealed themselves in the marshes, to escape. Before day-break Major Simcoe surrounded the house of Tew, a militia lieutenant, with the Huzzars, and in [p41] perfect secrecy and silence lay there until the arrival of the infantry: Tew was supposed to have headed some of his neighbors in arms, as it was well known there was no body of men in the country, and only a few inhabitants who could possibly be collected. Captain Saunders, with the cavalry and some infantry, was sent further down the creek, to procure information. There was nobody in Tew's house but his wife and other females; she was informed, that if her husband, as was supposed, appeared to be at the head of the party, who, contrary to common prudence and the rules of war, had fired upon the boats the preceding night, his house should be burnt, as an example to deter others; at the same time she might have assistance to remove her furniture, and to save it in an outhouse, for which purpose some Refugees, her former neighbors, offered to assist her; and preparations were accordingly making, when Captain Saunders returned with certain information, that a predatory party from the shipping at Philadelphia, imagining themselves secure from the troops being at Haddonfield, had rowed up the creek, and meeting the Refugees, they fired upon each other, but the mistake being soon discovered, they returned together to the Delaware. Tew's house, of course, remained uninjured, and the troops marched back to Haddonfield, and early the next morning made an excursion on the road to Egg-harbour, to get what cattle and rum (of which there was intelligence) might be found on it. The advanced part of the corps, and the Huzzars, marched about twenty miles from Haddonfield; a few [p42] hogsheads of rum and some cattle were procured, and some tobacco destroyed. On the return, and about two miles from Haddonfield, Major Simcoe was observing to some officers a peculiar strong ground, when, looking back, he saw a house that he had passed in flames; it was too far gone for all his endeavors to save it; he was exceedingly hurt at the circumstance, but neither threats of punishment, nor offers of reward, could induce a discovery: this was the only instance of a disorder of this nature that ever happened under his command, and he afterwards knew it was not perpetrated by any of the Queen's Rangers. At night, a man arrived at the outpost, furnished with such credentials as made it proper to believe his information: his account was, that Wayne was on his march from mount Holly, to attack the troops at Haddonfield, and that he intended to make a circuit to fall in upon the right; the man was immediately forwarded to Colonel Stirling; and Major Simcoe remarked to Captain Saunders, his confidential friend, "that probably Colonel Stirling would send for him, and, if any room should be left for consultation, his advice would be, that the whole corps should move forward and ambuscade Wayne's march on the strong ground which Major Simcoe had remarked a few hours before; that every inhabitant of the town should be secured, and the Huzzars left to take post at the direct roads; that, upon information being forwarded to Sir William Howe, Colonel Markham would probably be sent to Haddonfield, and possibly a strong corps embarked, and passed [p43] up the Delaware, above Wayne." Major Simcoe accordingly was sent for, but it was to receive directions for an immediate retreat: Colonel Stirling understanding that the force under Wayne had been so considerably augmented, that it would be imprudent to remain at Haddonfield; his business there being completed, and his intentions, otherwise, being to return the next morning; the rum was staved, and the whole detachment prepared to march immediately. In consideration of the fatigue of the Queen's Rangers, and that there was no probability of any action, Major Simcoe solicited to lead the march. In the mean time, some of the enemy fired upon the advanced posts of the Rangers, and made great noise to draw their attention that way: this was a frequent mode of the rebels; it might have been proper at the moment of attack, but anticipating it for some hours, in general it gave a knowledge of their designs, and increased a just and military contempt for this mode of conducting them. The night was uncommonly severe, and a cold sleet fell the whole way from Haddonfield to Cooper's ferry, where the troops arrived late, and the ground being occupied by barns and forage, they were necessitated to pass the coldest night that they ever felt, without fire. As dawn arrived, the weather cleared up; about three miles and a half from Cooper's ferry, and half a mile within the direct road to Haddonfield, there was some forage remaining; fifty of the 42d and Rangers, under the command of Captain Kerr, were sent as an escort to the waggons that went for it. Lieutenant Wickham, with [p44] ten Huzzars, was directed by Colonel Stirling to patrole in his front towards Haddonfield. A few miles off, Lieutenant Wickham met the enemy; he sent information to Captain Kerr, and to Colonel Stirling, and, with six Huzzars, attended their front. As the road led through thick woods, the enemy were apprehensive of ambuscades, and were intimidated by Lieutenant Wickham's frequently calling out, as to the infantry, "to halt, not to march so fast," &c. &c., so that the enemy's cavalry, though more than two hundred, did not rush on him. He gave time to Captain Kerr to retreat, then joined and returned to camp with him, ushering the enemy to the very outpost. The line was formed; the 42d regiment on the right, Colonel Markham's detachment in the centre, and the Queen's Rangers on the left. The embarkation still proceeded; the horses were now sent off, and, as the enemy did not advance, Colonel Markham's detachment followed them. It was scarce half way over the Delaware, when the piquets were attacked. The enemy were probably induced to attack earlier than they intended, by a barn having been accidentally set on fire, and which it was reasonable for them to suppose might have been done by some lurking person, after the troops in general had embarked. Upon the appearance of the enemy, the 42d regiment marched forward in line, and orders were sent to the Queen's Rangers to advance, which it did, in column, by companies; Cooper's creek secured its left flank; the artillery horses of the three pounders being embarked, the seamen, with their accustomed alacrity, offered to [p45] draw on the cannon; the artillery followed the light infantry company, and preceded the battalion. Some of the enemy appearing on the opposite bank of the Cooper creek, Captain Armstrong, with the grenadiers, was directed to march and line a dyke on this side: an advantage the enemy had not; and to keep off any stragglers who might be posted there. A heavy fire was kept up on the right, by the 42d; there was nothing opposed to the Rangers but some cavalry, watching their motions, and as Major Simcoe advanced rapidly to gain an eminence in front, which he conceived to be a strong advantageous position, they fled into the wood, an officer excepted, who, reining back his horse, and fronting the Rangers as they advanced, slowly waved with his scimetar for his attendants to retire; the light infantry being within fifty yards of him, he was called out to, "You are a brave fellow, but you must go away," to which not paying so much attention as he ought, M'Gill, afterwards quarter master, was directed to fire at him, on which he retired into the woods. A few straggling shots were fired in the front; the light infantry company was detached there, and supported by the Highlanders, who soon cleared the front; the battalion halted on the advantageous ground it had moved towards, and, at the entreaties of the sailors, a few cannon shot were fired at a party of the enemy, who were near the bridge over Cooper creek, till perceiving they were busy in destroying it, they were no longer interrupted: the firing totally ceased, and the enemy retreated. Some few of the Rangers were wounded, [p46] among whom, Serjeant M'Pherson of the grenadiers died; in every respect he was much to be lamented. The person whom M'Gill fired at, proved to be Pulaski; his horse was wounded; and had not the Huzzars been sent over the Delaware previous to the attack, he would have been taken, or killed. The embarkation took place without any interruption; and on the 2d of March the Queen's Rangers returned to their old quarters, and former duties. Colonel Stirling made the most handsome and favorable report of the behaviour of the corps, to Sir William Howe.
An expedition was formed under the command of the late Colonel Mawhood, consisting of the 27th and 46th regiments, the Queen's Rangers, and New Jersey Volunteers; they embarked the 12th of March, and fell down the Delaware. On the 17th, the Queen's Rangers landed, at three o'clock in the morning, about six miles from Salem, the Huzzars carrying their accoutrements and swords. Major Simcoe was directed to seize horses, to mount the cavalry, and the staff, and to join Colonel Mawhood at Salem; this was accordingly executed. Major Simcoe, making a circuit and passing over Lambstone's bridge, arrived at Salem, near which Colonel Mawhood landed. The Huzzars were tolerably well mounted, and sufficient horses procured for the other exigencies of the service: Colonel Mawhood had given the strictest charge against plundering; and Major Simcoe, in taking the horses, had assured the inhabitants that they should be returned, or paid for, if they did not appear in arms, in a very few days; and, none but officers entering [p47] the houses, they received no other injury. The Queen's Rangers' infantry were about two hundred and seventy, rank and file, and thirty cavalry; Colonel Mawhood gave directions for the forage to take place on the 18th. The town of Salem lies upon a creek of that name which falls into the Delaware nearly opposite Reedy island; the Aloes, or Alewas creek, runs almost parallel to the Salem creek, and falls into the Delaware to the southward of it; over this creek there were three bridges: Hancock's was the lower one, Quintin's that in the centre, and Thompson's the upper one; between these creeks the foraging was to commence; the neck, or peninsula, formed by them was at its greatest distance seven, and at its least four miles wide. The rebel militia was posted at Hancock's and Quintin's, the nearest bridges, which they had taken up, and defended by breast-works. Colonel Mawhood made detachments to mask these bridges; and foraged in their rear: the officer who commanded the detachment, consisting of seventy of the 17th infantry, at Quintin's bridge, sent information that the enemy were assembled in great numbers at the bridge, and indicated as if they meant to pass over whenever he should quit it, in which case his party would be in great danger. Colonel Mawhood marched with the Queen's Rangers to his assistance: he made a circuit, so as to fall in upon the road that led from Thompson's to Quintin's bridge, to deceive any patrole which he might meet on his march, and to make them believe that he directed it to Thompson's, not Quintin's bridge. Approaching the bridge, [p48] the Rangers halted in the wood, and Colonel Mawhood and Major Simcoe went to the party of the 17th, but in such a manner as to give no suspicion that they were part of a reinforcement; the ground was high, till within two hundred yards of the bridge, where it became marshy; immediately beyond the bridge, the banks were steep, and on them the enemy had thrown up breast-works; there was a public house very near the road, at the edge of its declivity into the marsh, on the Salem side. Colonel Mawhood asked Major Simcoe, "whether he thought, if he left a party in the house, the enemy would pass by it or not?" who replied, "that he thought they would be too cowardly to do it; but at any rate the attempt could do no harm, and, if he pleased, he would try." Colonel Mawhood directed Major Simcoe to do so, who accordingly profiting by the broken ground of the orchard which was behind it, and the clothing of his men, brought Captain Stephenson and his company into the house, undiscovered: the front windows were opened, and the back ones were shut, so that no thorough light could be seen; the women of the house were put in the cellar and ordered to be silent; the door was left open, and Lieutenant M'Kay stood behind it, with a bayonet, ready to seize the first person whose curiosity might prompt him to enter; the Queen's Rangers were brought into the wood near to that part where it ended in clear ground, and two companies, under Captain Saunders, were advanced to the fences at the very edge of it, where they lay flat. Colonel Mawhood [p49] then gave orders for the detachment of the 17th, who were posted near the house, to call in their sentinels and retreat up the road in full view of the enemy. This party had scarcely moved, when the enemy laid the bridge and passed it; a detachment of them went immediately across the marsh to the heights on the left, but the principal party, about two hundred, in two divisions, proceeded up the road; Captain Stephenson, as they approached the house, could hear them say, "let us go into the house," &c., but they were prevented, both by words and by action, by the officer who was at their head: he was on horseback, and spurring forward, quitted the road to go into the field, on the right, through a vacancy made by the rails being taken for fires; his party still proceeded up the road, and the first division passed the house: the officer, his sight still fixed on the red clothes of the 17th, approached close up to the fence where Captain Saunders lay; he did not immediately observe the Rangers, and, it is probable, he might not, had he not heard one of the men stifling a laugh: looking down he saw them, and galloped off; he was fired at, wounded, and taken. The division that had passed the house attempted to return: Captain Stephenson sallied, drove them across the fields, Captain Saunders pursued them; the Huzzars were let loose and afterwards the battalion, Colonel Mawhood leading them; Major Simcoe directed the 17th back to the house, with the grenadiers, and Highlanders of the Rangers, ready to force the bridge, if ordered; the enemy, for a moment, quitted it, Colonel Mawhood [p50] thought it useless to pass it. Some of the division, who passed the house, were taken prisoners, but the greater part were drowned in the Aloes creek. The officer, who was taken, proved to be a Frenchman. The Rangers had one Huzzar mortally wounded; and what was unfortunate, he was wounded by a man, whom in the eagerness of the pursuit he had passed, given quarters to, and not disarmed: the villain, or coward, was killed by another Huzzar. The corps returned to Salem.
The rebels still occupying the posts at Quintin and Hancock's bridge, and probably accumulating, Colonel Mawhood determined to attack them at the latter, where, from all reports, they were assembled to near four hundred men. He entrusted the enterprise to Major Simcoe, and went with him and a patrole opposite to the place: the Major ascended a tree and made a rough sketch of the buildings, which, by conversing with the guides, he improved into a tolerable plan of the place, and formed his mode of attack accordingly. He embarked on the 20th, at night, on board the flat boats; he was to be landed at an inlet, seven miles below Aloes creek, when the boats were immediately to be returned, and by a private road he was to reach Hancock's bridge, opposite to which, Major Mitchell was detached with the 27th regiment, to co-operate with him. Major Simcoe foresaw the difficulties, and dangers, but he kept them to himself: every thing depended upon surprise. The enemy were nearly double his numbers; and his retreat, by the absolute orders to send back the boats, was cut off; [p51] but he had just confidence in the silence, attention, and spirit of the corps. By some strange error in the naval department, when the boats arrived off Aloes creek, the tide set so strong against them that, in the opinion of the officer of the navy, they could not reach the place of their destination till mid-day. Major Simcoe determined not to return, but to land on the marshes, at the mouth of the Aloes creek; there were good guides with him: they found out a landing place, and after a march of two miles through marshes, up to the knees in mud and water, labours rendered more fatiguing by the carriage of the first wooden planks they met with, to form bridges with them over the ditches, they at length arrived at a wood upon dry land. Here the corps was formed for the attack. There was no public road which led to Hancock's bridge, but that which the Rangers were now in possession of; a bank, on which there was a footway, led from Hancock's to Quintin's bridge. Hancock's house was a large brick house; there were many store-houses round it, and some few cottages. Captain Saunders was detached to ambuscade the dyke that led to Quintin's bridge, about half a mile from the quarters, and to take up a small bridge which was upon it, as the enemy would, probably, fly that way, and if not pursued too closely, would be more easily defeated. Captain Dunlop was detached to the rear of Hancock's house; in which it was presumed the rebel officers quartered; directed to force it, occupy and barricade it, as it commanded the passage of the bridge. Different detachments [p52] were allotted to the houses supposed to be the enemy's quarters, which having mastered, they were ordered to assemble at Hancock's; a party was appropriated to relay the bridge. On approaching the place, two sentries were discovered: two men of the light infantry followed them, and, as they turned about, bayoneted them; the companies rushed in, and each, with proper guides, forced the quarters allotted to it. No resistance being made, the light infantry, who were in reserve, reached Hancock's house by the road, and forced the front door, at the same time that Captain Dunlop, by a more difficult way, entered the back door; as it was very dark, these companies had nearly attacked each other. The surprise was complete, and would have been so, had the whole of the enemy's force been present, but, fortunately for them, they had quitted it the evening before, leaving a detachment of twenty or thirty men, all of whom were killed. Some very unfortunate circumstances happened here. Among the killed was a friend of Government, then a prisoner with the rebels, old Hancock, the owner of the house, and his brother: Major Simcoe had made particular enquiry, and was informed that he did not live at home, since the rebels had occupied the bridge. The information was partly true; he was not there in the day-time, but unfortunately returned home at night: events like these are the real miseries of war. The roads which led to the country were immediately ambuscaded; and Lieutenant Whitlock was detached to surprise a patrole of seven men who had been sent [p53] down the creek: this he effected completely. On their refusal to surrender, he fired on them, only one escaped. This firing gave the first notice of the success of the enterprise to the 27th regiment; with so much silence it had hitherto been conducted. The bridge was now laid; and Major Simcoe communicated to Colonel Mitchell, that the enemy were at Quintin's bridge; that he had good guides to conduct them thither by a private road, and that the possession of Hancock's house secured a retreat. Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell said, that his regiment was much fatigued by the cold, and that he would return to Salem as soon as the troops joined. The ambuscades were of course withdrawn, and the Queen's Rangers were forming to pass the bridge, when a rebel patrole passed where an ambuscade had been, and discovering the corps, galloped back. Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell, finding his men in high spirits, had returned, purposing to march to Quintin's bridge: but being informed of the enemy's patrole, it was thought best to return. Colonel Mawhood, in public orders, "returned his best thanks to Major Simcoe and his corps, for their spirited and good conduct in the surprise of the rebel posts." Two days after, the Queen's Rangers patrolled to Thompson's bridge; the enemy, who had been posted there, were alarmed at the approach of a cow the night before, fired at it, wounded it, and then fled; they also abandoned Quintin's bridge, and retired to a creek, sixteen miles from Aloes creek. Major Simcoe, making a patrole with the Huzzars, took a circuit towards [p54] the rear of one of the parties sent out to protect the foragers: a party of the enemy had been watching them the whole day, and unluckily, the forage being completed, the detachment had just left its ground and was moving off; the enemy doing the like, met the patrole; were pursued, and escaped by the passage which the foragers had just left open. One only was taken, being pursued into a bog, which the Huzzars attempted in vain to cross, and were much mortified to see above a dozen of the enemy, who had passed round it in safety, within a few yards: they consisted of all the field officers and committee-men of the district. The prisoner was their adjutant. The enemy, who were assembled at Cohansey, might easily have been surprised; but Colonel Mawhood judged, that having completed his forage with such success, his business was to return, which he effected. The troops embarked without any accident, and sailed for Philadelphia. The horses were given back to the inhabitants, or paid for. On the passage, the ships waiting for the tide, Major Simcoe had an opportunity of landing at Billing's port, where Major Vandyke's corps was stationed, and examining it, they arrived at Philadelphia, March the 31st. The patroles of the Rangers were made systematically as ever, on their return; but as spring approached, the enemy's cavalry came nearer to the lines, and owed their escape, more than once, to the fleetness of their horses: one or two of them who were taken were decorated with eggs, women's shoes, &c. &c. that they had robbed the market people of, and, in that dress, were [p55] paraded through the street to prison. Several loyalists were in arms, under the command of Mr. Thomas, their Captain; and, with Hovenden's, and James's troops of Provincials, made excursions into the country; and at Newton, many miles from Philadelphia, they brought off a large quantity of clothing; whenever they made an excursion, the Queen's Rangers pushed forward to bring them off. One morning, about two o'clock, Major Simcoe, marching to support them in an attempt they were to make on Smithfield, met them about a mile from Philadelphia; they said, they had been repulsed: judging it necessary to support the advantages derived from the distance to which they made their excursions, he made enquiries into the matter, and found their accounts so various, that he determined to march to Smithfield, and accordingly took such of them with him as were not weary, for guides. His ideas were, that the party at Smithfield would probably be reinforced by another which was in its vicinity, and that he might possibly surprise them rejoicing at their success: at any rate, the recoil would add to the ascendancy necessary to be maintained in the country. The Queen's Rangers marched to Smithfield, but found no enemy there; and, it appeared, that they had also fled, having exchanged some shots with the Refugees. Mr. Washington drew his supplies of fat cattle from New England: a drove of this kind was met about thirty miles from Philadelphia, between the Delaware and Schuylkill, by a friend of Government, who passed himself upon the drivers for a rebel commissary, then [p56] billetted them at a neighbouring farm, and immediately galloped to Philadelphia, from whence a party of dragoons were sent for the cattle: the Queen's Rangers advanced forward to Chestnut hill, and the brigade of guards were posted at Germantown; the whole drove was safely conducted to Philadelphia. Major Simcoe, as was his custom, with the Huzzars, patrolled in front, and took a minute survey of the ground, at Barren-hill church, which was near proving of consequence in the event.
A very great desertion happened from Washington's army this winter, which, had it not been difficult to effect, probably, would have been universal; the Queen's Rangers were benefited by it; Captain Armstrong's company of grenadiers, in size, youth, and appearance, was inferior to no one in the army. There were many reports, that Mr. Lacy, the rebel General of the Pennsylvania militia, was collecting them, professedly to impede the country people's intercourse with the markets. Major Simcoe, besides employing his own intelligence, applied to Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour, who so successfully managed these matters, during the army's being at Philadelphia, for what he could furnish him with; and represented that it would be of the utmost consequence, to attack Lacy the moment he broke into the circle of country, which we had hitherto maintained possession of. In consequence of this conversation, he was sent for by Colonel Balfour, some time after, and informed, that Lacy's corps were to assemble at the Crooked Billett, twenty-five miles from Philadelphia, on the first of May. [p57] Major Simcoe was anxious that they should be attacked on that night; and from the maps of the country arranged the plan, which was approved of. The main road led, past the Billett, to Philadelphia from York; at less than half a mile from it, on the Philadelphia side, there was another, that led to Washington's camp, by Horsham meeting. Major Simcoe proposed, that he should march with the Rangers, and, by a circuit, get to the road in the rear of the Billett; and that a detachment should march and ambuscade themselves in a wood, (the intelligencer said there was one adapted to the purpose,) on the road which led by the Horsham meeting-house to Washington's camp; this party was to remain in ambuscade till they heard the firing of the Queen's Rangers. It was supposed, that if the surprise should not be complete, the ambuscade would render the success perfectly so, by supporting the Rangers if they were checked, and by intercepting the enemy if they attempted to retreat, which, probably, would be towards their army. Colonel Balfour proposed two hundred light infantry to go; to this Major Simcoe said, "that they would be commanded by older officers in the line, and yet of inferior local rank to himself, and that it was his wish, on that account, to avoid giving umbrage;" the result was, Lieutenant-Colonel Abercrombie was chosen, and marched with a large detachment of the light infantry, and with one of cavalry, and horses to mount part of his infantry-men, for greater expedition. Major Simcoe's march was a difficult one: he thought it necessary [p58] to make many circuits to avoid places where he suspected the enemy had posts, or patroles. He was admirably guided; and, luckily, had information, about twilight, that prevented him from committing a serious error: the armed Refugees, as Captain Thomas, their commander, informed him, were sent by Mr. Galloway, to convey in some of his furniture; they adventured out, hearing of the expedition by some means or other, and marched up the roads which the Rangers had so carefully avoided, but without meeting any interruption, or alarm; luckily, they passed a house, which Major Simcoe called at, or he would, certainly, when he overtook them, have mistaken them for rebels: they were directed to keep themselves undiscovered; and the Rangers marched on so fast as possible. Although day light appeared, Major Simcoe was under no apprehensions of discovery, and certain of Colonel Abercrombie's having met with no accident, as the parties must have been within the hearing of each other's fire. He had now arrived at the point, where he quitted the road, in order to make his last circuit to reach the Billett, profiting by the covert that the irregularities of the ground would have afforded, and was informing the officers of his plan of attack, to be guided by circumstances, (Captain Kerr's division excepted, who was to force Lacy's quarters, and barricade them for a point to rally at, in case of misadventure,) when a few shots were heard. Major Simcoe immediately exclaimed, "the dragoons have discovered us;" so it was. Colonel Abercrombie, although assisted by horses, could [p59] not arrive at his post at the appointed time, before daybreak; anxious to support Major Simcoe, he detached his cavalry, and mounted light infantry, to the place of ambuscade. The officer who commanded, patrolled to Lacy's out-post, and, being fired at by the rebel sentinels, did not retire; Lacy, of course, did, and collecting his force, began a retreat up the country: in this situation, the Rangers arrived nearly in his rear, upon his right flank; they stopped and turned some smaller parties who were escaping from the light infantry, and who were killed, but the main body retreated in a mass, without order, and by no efforts could the infantry reach them: unfortunately, the Huzzars of the Rangers were left at Philadelphia, their horses having been fatigued by a long course of duty, and a severe patrole the day before: thirty dragoons, who were with the Rangers, were sent to intercept the baggage waggons, and staid to guard them. As the enemy were marching through a wood, Major Simcoe gallopped up to the edge of it, and summoned them to surrender; they were in great consternation, but marched on; he then gave the words of command, "make ready," "present," "fire," hoping that the intervening fence and thickets between him and them might lead them to suppose he had troops with him, and that they might halt, when a few moments would have been decisive: at the word "fire" they crouched down, but still moved on, and soon got out of all reach. A few men of the Rangers were wounded, as was the horse of Wright, Major Simcoe's orderly Huzzar; and Captain M'Gill's [p60] shoe-buckle probably saved the foot of that valuable officer: the enemy had fifty or sixty killed, and taken. The troops returned to Philadelphia. The commander in chief ordered the baggage to be sold, for their benefit; it produced a dollar a man. The guides of the Queen's Rangers computed their march at fifty-eight miles; not a man was missing. This excursion, though it failed in the greater part, had its full effect, of intimidating the militia, as they never afterwards appeared, but in small parties, and like robbers.
As the spring approached, the hopes of the army were pointed to an attack on Valley Forge: the surmise gave Major Simcoe particular pleasure; he had formerly been quartered in the house that was Washington's head quarters, and had made himself minutely master of the ground about it, and particularly, of those undulations which are so material in all attacks against batteries, and from all the plans and descriptions of Valley Forge, it appeared to him probable, that an attack would commence in this point. These hopes vanished, when the news of Sir William Howe's recall reached Philadelphia,3 together with the orders for the army's abandoning that city. Mr. Washington's ignorance, however, exposed him to a check, from which his usual good fortune extricated him. He passed a corps, under the direction of the Marquis de La Fayette, over the Schuylkill; arrangements were made to cut it off; a column made a circuit for that purpose, under General Grant, the Queen's Rangers led it, and Major Simcoe was ordered to march at the rate of two miles an hour: this [p61] slow and tiresome pace was too quick to keep the column properly compacted, and he was frequently obliged to halt; nearly at day-light, a subaltern's party of dragoons were ordered to the front. Soon after a rebel patrole appeared, and while the young officer was deliberating what to do, got off; the column moved on, and arriving at three cross roads, the advance was directed to halt, there being some doubt which was the proper road. General Grant arrived, and immediately directed him to march on; the column was too late, the alarum guns were fired from Washington's camp, and Fayette had moved off from Barren-hill church, and passed the Schuylkill; the cavalry being detached in a fruitless pursuit of him, the Huzzars went with them, and Lieutenant Wickham compared a party of the rebels, whom he saw fording the Schuylkill, to the corks of a fishing seine.
As the time approached for the army's quitting Philadelphia, patroles were passed over the Delaware, from the Jersies; one of which, after a long chase, was taken by the Huzzars. The Quarter Master General being in great want of horses, Major Simcoe escorted the commissaries who were sent to procure them: he entered upon the office with great regret, as they were to be taken from people whom he had uniformly protected. The enemy had some strong parties in the country. The whole corps made a long march, in four divisions, as has been before explained; he had also a three pounder, that had been lately attached to his corps. On his return he was ambuscaded, near the Bristol side of Penny-pack bridge: [p62] the first division passed the bridge with the cannon, and immediately formed on the opposite banks, as Major Simcoe was apprehensive of some attack; its position secured the march of the successive divisions. It was afterwards known, that the enemy were in force, but were deterred from attacking by the position of the first division, and the order of march.
Sir Henry Clinton, when he took the command of the army, directed Lord Rawdon to raise a corps of Irish volunteers; and Captain Doyle, of the 55th regiment, was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel. Major Simcoe waited upon the commander in chief, and requested, that as he was Captain Doyle's senior in the army, he would be pleased to make him so in the Provincial line, adding, that if his Excellency, at any future time, should appoint a senior officer of the line, to a Provincial command, Major Simcoe, of course, could have no objection that he should have superior rank in the Provincials. Sir Henry Clinton was pleased to refer his request to Sir William Erskine, and General Paterson, the Quarter-Master and Adjutant General, who, reporting that it was just, Sir Henry Clinton appointed him to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel; and, to avoid similar inconveniences, antedated his commission to all Provincial Lieutenant-Colonels. The procuring the horses was the last service that the Queen's Rangers performed in Pennsylvania. Embarking, and passing over to Cooper's ferry, on the 17th of June, 1778, Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe observed, in public orders, "that he doubted not but that all ranks of the regiment were sensible that the undaunted [p63] spirit which had rendered them the terror of their enemies, was not more honourable to them than that abhorrence of plunder which distinguishes the truly brave from the cowardly ruffian, and which had left a favourable impression of the Queen's Rangers on the minds of such of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania as had been in their power; he assured himself, that, as they were to pass over to the Jersies, they would, in every respect, behave as became the character the corps had acquired, and which marks the disciplined soldier. He gave orders, that the Captains and officers, commanding companies, should march in the rear of their respective divisions, till such time as more active duties required their presence elsewhere, and should be answerable that no soldier quitted his rank on any pretence, but particularly to drink: this practice having been the death of many a valuable soldier, the permission of it was highly criminal." The 18th, the Queen's Rangers, being part of General Leslie's division, marched to Haddonfield; on the 19th to Evesham; the Yagers being in front, there was a slight skirmish, in which the rebel party lost some men, and one of them being taken proved to be a British deserter, who was executed the next day. The army encamped at Mount Holly, the 20th and 21st; they marched to the Black Horse the 22d; the Queen's Rangers formed the advance. By an error of the guides, at a cross road, they were pursuing the wrong one, a rebel officer called out to them, "You are wrong, you are wrong," but the corps passing by without heeding him, and [p64] afterwards taking the nearer way across the fields into the right road, in which he was, the advanced men got within a few yards of him, undiscovered; Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe prevented them from firing, but called to him to keep at a greater distance, which he did. The 23d, the army marched to Crosswicks, the Queen's Rangers forming the advance of the left column. Hitherto there were no interruptions on this march but from a bridge, the boards of which had been taken up, but laid within a few yards, so that they were easily replaced. Approaching Crosswicks, a body of the enemy appeared; Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe took the flanking party, under Lieutenant Wilson, and tried to cut them off before they could pass the creek at that place. He was too late for this purpose, but in time to prevent them from executing their design of cutting down the trees which stood close to the bridge, and throwing them across it; the enemy had taken up the planks, and were posted behind a wood, on the opposite bank. Captain Stephenson's company of light infantry, were directed, by the commander in chief in person, to the same post, on the left that Lieutenant Wilson had occupied. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, on his return, formed his corps behind the meeting-house, ready to pass the bridge; the dragoons arrived, and dismounted, lining the fences on the right, and Lieutenant M'Leod, of the artillery, bringing up his three pounders, and being fully exposed to the enemy, in case they had kept their position, it was determined to pass the bridge upon its rafters, which was affected without opposition. The enemy had fled [p65] from the wood, and a party on the right, which the Queen's Rangers made every effort to pursue, escaped; nor were the rest of the advanced troops more successful who followed the body which retreated on the left. Captain Stephenson, exerting himself with his usual gallantry, became an object to a person, said to be a quaker; who fired at him with a long fowling-piece, and dangerously wounded him; the escape of the commander in chief, distinguishable by his dress and activity to an enemy posted in security and intended to fire a single and well aimed shot, was very remarkable. The Queen's Rangers, and some other troops, remained posted beyond the creek; the army did not pass the bridge: there were events here worth recording. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, in conversation with Captain Armstrong, happened to mention, that he was fully convinced of the truth of what an English military author had observed, that a number of firelocks were, in action, rendered useless, by being carried on the shoulders, from casual musket-balls, which could not be the case were the arms carried in the position of the advance; he added, that advanced arms, certainly, gave a compactness, and took off the appearance of wavering from a column more than any other mode of carrying them. Captain Armstrong had assented, and took occasion to exemplify it now, by advancing the arms of his grenadier company when under fire, and while he led over the rafters of the bridge.
The sluices had been shut, by which means the water was ponded; Lieutenant Murray plunged in, [p66] thinking it fordable, but finding it not so, he swam over, and got behind a tree before the corps passed the bridge, and was between both fires; luckily he escaped unhurt. Hitherto the march of the army pointed equally to Trenton, or Cranberry; it now, on the 24th of June, took the route to the latter, by marching to Allentown: the Queen's Rangers formed the advance of the column. The bridge at Allentown, over a small rivulet, was taken up, and Colonel Simcoe fired two or three cannon shot, which drove a small party of the enemy from thence, and he passed over without the exchange of a musket, one of which might, unnecessarily, deprive him of a valuable officer, or soldier. Passing forward, a rebel patrole from the Cranberry road, came close to the front of the Rangers, mistaking them for their own people; they retired into a wood, which, as soon as the army halted, a party scoured, but to no purpose. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe had a book, in which was inserted the names of every soldier in his corps, the counties in which they were born, and where they had ever lived, so that he seldom was at a loss for guides in his own corps; he had also many Refugees with him, who served as guides. The commander in chief asked him, whether he had any guides? he answered, he had none who knew any of the roads to Brunswick; that the chief of his guides was born at Monmouth. Sir Henry Clinton directed him to be sent to head quarters, as he might be useful in procuring intelligence, though not serviceable as a guide; this was done, and as soon as the army marched he came for [p67] two soldiers of the regiment, natives of Monmouth county: this was the first idea which Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe had of the army's being intended to march elsewhere than to South Amboy. An alteration in the disposition of the army took place; it marched in one column: the Yagers made the rear; the Queen's Rangers, light infantry, and dragoons, followed in succession. The army halted at the Rising Sun; the enemy's light troops appeared in greater force in the rear. On the arrival at the camp, Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe immediately passed a deep hollow that separated it from a high hill, with the Huzzars, in order to observe the ground in front, as was his constant custom; two men came out of the wood to Lieutenant Wickham, who was patrolling, deceived by his green clothes; he gave into the deception, passed himself upon them for a rebel partisan, and introduced Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe to them as Colonel Lee. One of the men was very glad to see him, and told him that he had a son in his corps, and gave him the best account of the movements of the rebel army, from which, Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe said, he had been detached two days; the other proved to be a committee-man of New Jersey; they pointed out the encampment of the British army, and were completely deceived, till, having told all they knew, and on the party returning, the committee-man having asked, "I wonder what Clinton is about?" "You shall ask him yourself," was the answer, "for we are British."
The army marched the next morning toward Monmouth, [p68] in the same order; and it now became evident, that Sir Henry Clinton intended to embark from Sandy Hook. There was some skirmishing between the Yagers and the enemy; and one time, it having the appearance of being serious, the Rangers were divided into two divisions, to march on each flank of the Yagers, who, having no bayonets, might have suffered from an intrepid enemy; but the contrary was the case, as the alarm originated from a shout that Captain Ewald, who commanded the rear guard, set up on the enemy's approach, which with other preparations, sent them away upon the full run. Upon the arrival at Monmouth, the Queen's Rangers covered head quarters; the army halted the next day, and foraged.
On the morning of the 27th, the Queen's Rangers marched, at two o'clock, and occupied the post from which the second battalion of light infantry were drawn, to march with the second division, under General Kniphausen: a great extent of ground was to be guarded, and the whole corps lay upon their arms. In the morning, about seven o'clock, orders were brought to Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, "to take his Huzzars and try to cut off a reconnoitring party of the enemy, (supposed to be M. Fayette,) who was upon a bald hill, and not far from his left." As the woods were thick in front, Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe had no knowledge of the ground, no guide, no other direction, and but twenty Huzzars with him; he asked of Lord Cathcart, who brought him the order, whether he might not take some infantry with [p69] him, who, from the nature of the place, could advance nearly as expeditiously as his cavalry? to this his Lordship assenting, Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe immediately marched with his cavalry, and the grenadier company, consisting of forty rank and file. He had not proceeded far, before he fell in with two rebel Videttes, who, galloping off, the cavalry were ordered to pursue them, as their best guides; they fled on the road down a small hill, at the bottom of which was a rivulet; on the opposite rising, the ground was open, with a high fence, the left of which reached the road, and along which, a considerable way to the right, a large corps was posted. This corps immediately fired, obliquely, upon the Huzzars, who, in their pursuit of the Videttes, went up the road, and gained their left, when Ellison, a very spirited Huzzar, leapt the fence, and others followed. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, in the mean time, brought up the grenadiers, and ordered the Huzzars to retreat; the enemy gave one universal fire, and, panic struck, fled. The Baron Stuben, who was with them, lost his hat in the confusion. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe rode along the fence, on the side opposite to which the enemy had been, posting the grenadiers there; the enemy fired several scattering shots, one of which wounded him in the arm: for some seconds, he thought it broken, and was unable to guide his horse, which, being also struck, run away with him, luckily, to the rear; his arm soon recovering its tone, he got to the place where he had formed the Huzzars, and with fourteen of them, returned towards a house, to which the right [p70] of the enemy's line had reached. Upon his left flank he saw two small parties of the enemy; he galloped towards them, and they fled: in this confusion, seeing two men, who, probably, had been the advance of these parties, rather behind the others, he sent Serjeant Prior, and a Huzzar, to take them, but with strict orders not to pursue too close to the wood. This the serjeant executed; and, after firing their loaded muskets at the large body which had been dislodged and was now rallying, the prisoners were obliged to break them, and to walk between the Huzzars and the enemy. The business was now to retreat, and to carry off whomsoever might be wounded in the first attack. The enemy opposite seemed to increase, and a party, evidently headed by some general officer, and his suit, advancing, to reconnoitre: it suggested to Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, to endeavour to pass, as on a similar design; and, for this purpose, he dispatched a Huzzar to the wood in his rear, to take off his cap, and make signals, as if he was receiving directions from some persons posted in it. The party kept moving, slowly, close to the fence, and towards the road; when it go to some distance from the house, which has been mentioned, Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe called out audibly, as if to a party posted in it, "not to fire till the main body came close," and moved on slowly parallel to the enemy, when he sent Ryan, an Huzzar, forward, to see if there were any wounded men, and whether the grenadiers remained where he had posted them, adding, "for we must carry them off or lie with them;" to [p71] which the Huzzar replied "to be sure, your honour." On his return, and reporting there was nobody there, Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe struck obliquely from the fence, secured by a falling of the ground from danger, over the brook to the wood, where he found Captain Armstrong had, with great judgment, withdrawn his grenadiers; from thence he returned to camp, and sending his prisoners to the General, went himself to the baggage, his wound giving him excruciating pain, the day being like to prove very hot, and there not appearing the least probability of any action. Two Huzzars, and three of the infantry, were wounded in this skirmish; one of the Huzzars died at Monmouth after the action; the other, who was able to have marched, was left by the Hospital, and fell into the hands of the enemy. It is obvious that, of all descriptions of people, the Rangers were the last who should have been left as prisoners, since so many deserters from the enemy were in the corps: the soldiers had the utmost reliance upon their own officer's attention to this particular. The enemy who were defeated, consisted of that corps of Jersey militia which in General Lee's trial, is said "to have given way," by the evidence of the field officer who brought up fresh troops and cannon to support it; they were those detachments, which Sir Henry Clinton's letter says, "The Queen's Rangers fell in with among the woods, and dispersed," and who, probably, as Washington's account says, "were the Jersey militia, amounting to about seven or eight hundred men, under the command of General Dickenson." They were [p72] destined to attack the baggage, but made no other attempt that day.
The American war shows no instance of a larger body of men discomfitted by so small a number. The army saw not the combat; but every officer, every soldier, heard the heavy fire, and from that could form a judgment of the enemy's number. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe afterwards heard a person who was of this body call the grenadier's company, to use his own expression, "a power of Hessians." Captain Ross took the command of the corps. He was detached, with the light infantry, under Colonel Abercrombie, to turn the enemy's left; went through the whole fatigue of that hot day, and though the corps had been under arms all the preceding night, it here gave a striking and singular proof of the vast advantages of the Philadelphia marches, by not having a man missing, or any who fell out of the ranks through fatigue. Captain Ross had an opportunity of more than once showing great military judgment and intrepidity, in checking different parties of the enemy; and the Highland company in particular, distinguished itself, under the command of Captain M'Kay, in covering a three pounder of the light infantry battalion, which was impeded by a swamp. At night, when the army marched off, Captain Ross, with that silence which was remarked in Washington's account of the action, formed the rear guard. During the day, the baggage was not seriously attacked; but some very small parties ran across it, from one side of the road to the other: one of these Captain Needham, and [p73] Lieutenant Cooke of the 17th dragoons, (since Captain of the Queen's Rangers,) dispersed; the rumors of them, however, added personal solicitude to Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe's public anxiety, and, for security, he got together the pioneers of his own and some other corps around his waggon. The uncertainty of what fate might attend his corps, and the army, gave him more uneasiness than he ever experienced; and, when the baggage halted, he passed an anxious night, till about the middle of it, when he had authentic information of the events. The army encamped at Middleton, the 29th and 30th. On the 1st of July, Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe resumed his command, and marched, to escort Sir William Erskine to Sandy Hook. The army remained in this vicinity till the 5th, when it marched to Sandy Hook also: this peninsula had been made an island by the storms of the preceding winter; a bridge of boats was thrown across the channel, over which the army passed, the Queen's Rangers excepted, who, forming the rear guard, embarked in boats from the Jersey side, as soon as the bridge was broken up. It is remarkable, and what few other corps in the army could say, that in this march the Queen's Rangers lost no men, by desertion. They landed at New York, marched up to Morris's house, and encamped there.
Soon after, the troops returned from Philadelphia,4 it appearing probable to Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, that America would be quitted by the British forces, and the war carried on in the West Indies; he applied to Colonel Drummond, (then aid-du-camp,) to [p74] make the request from him to Sir Henry Clinton, that he might be permitted, with his corps, and other loyalists, to join the Indians and troops under Colonel Butler, who had just been heard of on the upper parts of the Delaware. The Commander in Chief's answer to him was, "that he much applauded his spirit, but that he would find sufficient employment for him with his army." He had digested the detail of his route; his mode of subsistence, and operations: the idea he entertained, of what such a junction might have led to, was, and is still, unbounded. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe was ill in New York, and did not join till the 14th, during this period, nothing material happened. On the 15th, the Queen's Rangers, and Emmerick's corps, encamped outside Kingsbridge; the three Provincial troops of Hovenden, James, and Sandford, also joined the Queen's Rangers: an Amuzette, and three artillery men, were now added to the three pounder attached to the regiment. The post was of great extent, liable to insult, and required many sentinels: it was strengthened as much as possible; and, in all matters of labor, the soldiers worked with the greatest energy, under the inspection of their officers, and were easily made to comprehend, not only the general security, but the benefit which they, individually, received from their works, by its operating to lessen their duties; of course, they were taught that the work should not be slighted. Mr. Washington's army encamping at the White Plains, the Yagers, and Queen's Rangers, had full employment. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe was ever averse to patroles, [p75] except, as in the case at Philadelphia, where they served to cover a well affected country, and were made systematically, and in force; or to ascertain some precise object; circumstanced as the armies now were, they appeared to him to be particularly dangerous, and totally useless. The inclinations of the Americans, though averse from tactical arrangement, had always been turned to patrolling, in their antiquated dialect, scouting: the Indians, their original enemies, and the nature of their country, had familiarized them to this species of warfare, and they were, in general, excellent marksmen. There was nothing, either in the American generals or their troops, that could warrant a belief, that they would make a serious attempt upon Kingsbridge; added to the strong works within the island, the eminences in front of it were covered with a chain of redoubts within a distance from each other, barely more than necessary to secure the flanks of a battalion; and indeed, for the purpose of protecting a weak army, they had been originally constructed; half a mile in front of these redoubts, lay the light troops, to secure them from surprise, so that it was manifest any general move of Mr. Washington's army could not take place for so small an object, as that of beating up the huts of a light corps. Washington's advance corps lay on the heights, near Tuckahoe, under the command of General Scott, to the amount of two thousand men, whose light troops occupied a line from Phillip's creek, on the north, to New Rochelle, on the East river. Small patroles frequently came to William's [p76] bridge, on the Brunx, and sometimes, General Scott came, in force, to Valentine's hill. The country between was irregular, intersected with woods, and so broken and covered with stone walls, as to be most liable to ambuscades: the inhabitants were, by no means, to be trusted, and, in general, so harrassed by their country being the seat of war, that it was not reasonable to place any confidence in them; on the other hand, the Queen's Rangers had many of the natives of the country among them, and Lieutenant-Colonel Emmerick's corps was, in a great measure, composed of them. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe made a few patroles, in force, merely to inform himself of the situation of the country; but he spared no pains to acquire an account of what posts the enemy occupied, at night; his determination being to attack them, whenever he saw a fit opportunity. Generals Clinton and Morgan, with a corps of fifteen hundred men, covered the forage of the country, on the side of the enemy. Colonel Wurmb, and Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, upon intelligence, had agreed to meet on Valentine's hill, one morning, in force, and, accordingly, Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, with his Huzzars, was upon the hill, waiting for him; the infantry, and Provincial cavalry, were left in the plain, under the command of Captain Ross; the light infantry and Highland companies being ambuscaded in an orchard, at the place where the roads fork to Hunt's bridge, and Valentine's hill. Colonel Wurmb, finding the enemy in force at Phillip's, did not choose to move to Valentine's hill, and sent the Yager cavalry to [p77] give the Rangers the necessary information. At the same time the enemy appeared advancing to Valentine's hill. As Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe was quitting it, to return to his corps, Lieutenant M'Nab, of the Huzzars, who had been sent with a patrole beyond the Brunx, confirmed the intelligence which he had been furnished with the night before, that a strong body, with cannon, was approaching to Hunt's bridge, on the opposite side of the Brunx: this bridge was commanded by the heights on the side of Kingsbridge, which had been fortified by the rebels in 1776; their works were not demolished. In their rear was a wood; it had been designed to conceal the Rangers; and, while the Yagers and cavalry should have engaged with any corps who might patrole to Valentine's hill, it was thought probable, that the enemy on the opposite side of the Brunx would pass it to their assistance, when the corps in ambuscade was to rush from the wood, and, occupying the fleches, do severe and cool execution upon them, as they were on the bridge, and occupied in the deep hollow. An advanced party of the enemy, notwithstanding the circumstances which made the troops quit Valentine's hill, had already passed the Brunx; the Yager cavalry were ordered to proceed towards Kingsbridge, slowly, and in full sight of the enemy, who were on Hunt's hill. There were still hopes, by forming the ambuscade, to do some service; when, to Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe's great surprise, the enemy's cannon were fired at the infantry, whom he expected to have been hidden from their sight, by the intervention of the [p78] woods: but, it appeared, that while Captain Ross was with the advanced companies, some officers imprudently had got upon a fence, out of curiosity, and discovered themselves to the enemy. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe immediately withdrew his men out of the reach of any chance shot, and made use of the low ground (the crossing of which would have led him into the ambuscade) to march his infantry under its cover, out of their sight, or the reach of their cannon; he sent orders to Captain Ross to withdraw, and again ambuscaded the cavalry, in a position to take advantage of the enemy, if any party of them should pursue him, or from Valentine's hill should endeavour to incommode his retreat. Observing the movement of the Yager cavalry, the enemy marched a party to watch their motions, on the opposite bank, while their main body formed the line. Captain Ross thought proper to wait for the party which had passed the Brunx. He permitted them to come close to him, when his fire threw them into confusion. He then retreated, making a small circuit to avoid some riflemen who had occupied the wood; the corps returned to their camp. The grand guard was constantly advanced in the day-time to a height, from whence it had a view of the passage over the Brunx, at William's bridge; at night it was withdrawn. Lieut. Colonel Simcoe being on duty at New-York for a day, Captain Ross, in visiting the piquet at night, found the sentinels so ill placed, that he ordered Sergeant Kelly and two Huzzars to patrole forwards for its security; they passed a few hundred yards only from the post, [p79] when they were surrounded by a party who lay between two stone walls, and taken; nor was Captain Ross to be blamed for ordering the patrole, but the Captain of cavalry, who had omitted a principal sentinel: this patrole made, in contradiction to Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe's principles, was the only one that had been taken under his command: the Sergeant having been in the rebel service, forced thereto by all want of work, was thrown into prison and threatened with death; Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe offered a Sergeant whom he had lately taken, in exchange for him; and threatning to leave to the mercy of his soldiers the first six rebels who should fall into his hands, in case of Kelly's execution, soon obtained his release. July the 18th Captain Lord Cathcart was appointed Colonel, and on the 1st of August Captain Tarleton, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Legion: Captain Hovenden and James's troops were incorporated in that corps. Captain Ross was appointed to the rank of Major of the Queen's Rangers. Lord Cathcart joined the light troops at Kingsbridge, and took the command of them. Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe having information that three distinct patroles of thirty men each, set out early in the morning from General Scott's camp at the same time, by different roads, proposed to his Lordship to ambuscade them, on a supposition that they had orders to assist each other in case of necessity; to which his Lordship assenting, the infantry of the Queen's Rangers marched and occupied a wood two miles in front of Kingsbridge, and Lord Cathcart, with the cavalry of the Rangers, Legion, and Emmericks, lay half a [p80] mile in the rear, from whence he sent out a patrole, which passing by a road on the right of the Rangers, advanced a quarter of a mile in its front, and returned. On its return, Lord Cathcart began firing to attract the enemy's notice, a party of whom crossed the country, and came near to the Queen's Rangers, but passed no further, and, after firing into the wood, to the right of the ambuscade, marched off; this patrole had approached, as was expected, on hearing the firing, and would inevitably have been taken, but, as it afterwards appeared, a girl, from a garret window, had seen some of the soldiers on their march to the wood, and gave the enemy intelligence.
Lt. Colonel Simcoe was much affected at Lord Cathcart's having the rank of Colonel of Provincials, and made, in consequence of it, application to the Commander in Chief; Sir Henry Clinton, though he waved for the present the giving Lt. Colonel Simcoe rank of Lord Cathcart, offered to him that of Colonel, which he respectfully (but as the event has proved most unfortunately) declined: every motive that he had to solicit this rank, by Lord Cathcart's being employed on other duties, was done away, and Lt. Colonel Simcoe remained at Kingsbridge, in command of his corps, Lt. Col. Emmerick's, and the cavalry of the Legion. In Lt. Col. Tarleton, he had a colleague, full of enterprise and spirit, and anxious for every opportunity of distinguishing himself. These officers, when making observations on the country in front, had a very singular and narrow escape, as they were patroling with a few Huzzars. [p81] The Stockbridge Indians about sixty in number, excellent marksmen, had just joined Mr. Washington's army. Lt. Col. Simcoe was describing a private road to Lt. Col. Tarleton: Wright, his orderly dragoon, alighted and took down a fence of Devou's farm yard, for them to pass through; around this farm the Indians were ambuscaded; Wright had scarce mounted his horse, when these officers, for some trivial reason, altered their intentions, and, spurring their horses, soon rode out of sight, and out of reach of the Indians. In a few days after, they had certain information of the ambuscade, which they so fortunately had escaped: in all probability, they owed their lives to the Indians' expectations of surrounding and taking them prisoners. Good information was soon obtained, by Lt. Col. Simcoe, of General Scott's situation, and character; and he desired Sir William Erskine would lay before the Commander in Chief his request, that he would permit the York Volunteers to join him, for a week; that, during that time, he might attack Scott's camp: he particularly named the York Volunteers, as he wished to unite the Provincials in one enterprise; unfortunately, that regiment could not be spared, as it was ordered for embarkation. Scott soon altered his position; and the source of intelligence, relative to him, was destroyed.
The rebels had, in the day time, a guard of cavalry, near Marmaroneck, which was withdrawn at night: it was intended to cover the country, and protect some sick horses, turned into the salt marshes in the neighbourhood; Lt. Col. Simcoe determined to attempt its [p82] surprisal; General Scott's camp was not above three miles from it; and, in case of alarm, he had a shorter march to intercept the party, at Eastchester bridge, than it had to return there. The troops, consisting of the Queen's Rangers, and the cavalry of the Legion, marched at night; at Chester bridge, Captain Saunders, an officer of great address and determination, was left in ambuscade in a wood, with a detachment of the Rangers, and in the rear of the post that the enemy would, probably, occupy, if they should attempt to cut off the party in its retreat. His directions were, to remain undiscovered; to let all patroles pass; and, in case the enemy should post themselves, to wait until the party, upon its return, should be engaged in forcing the passage, and then to sally upon their rear. The troops continued their march, passing the creek, higher up, with the greatest silence; they went through fields, obliterating every trace of their passage when they crossed roads, to avoid discovery from disaffected people, or the enemy's numerous patroles. When they arrived at their appointed station. Lt. Col. Tarleton, with the cavalry, ambuscaded the road, on which the enemy's guard was to approach; Lt. Col. Simcoe occupied the centre, with the infantry, in a wood, and Major Ross was posted on the right, to intercept whomsoever Lt. Col. Tarleton should let pass. Two or three commissaries, and others, who were on a fishing party, were taken. At six o'clock, as he was previously ordered, Lt. Col. Tarleton left his post, when the party of the enemy instantly appeared in his rear: they owed [p83] their safety to mere accident. The information that both the old and new piquet of the enemy generally arrived at this post at five o'clock, was true; a horse, belonging to a serjeant, breaking loose, the officer chose to wait till it was caught, and this delayed them for a full hour. Three dragoons, who had previously advanced to a house within the ambuscade, were now taken, and about thirty or forty lame or sick horses. The troops, followed at a distance by the rebel dragoons, returned home without any accident. Scott, upon the alarm, ordered off his baggage; and Washington sent cannon, and troops, to his assistance, and put his army under arms. Captain Saunders permitted two patroles to pass, having effectually concealed his party. The prisoners said, that, two mornings before, General Gates had been there fishing.
Lt. Col. Simcoe, returning from head quarters, the 20th of August, heard a firing, in front, and being informed that Lt. Col. Emmerick had patrolled, he immediately marched to his assistance. He soon met him retreating; and Lt. Col. Emmerick being of opinion the rebels were in such force, that it would be adviseable to return, he did so. Lt. Col. Simcoe understood that Nimham, an Indian chief, and some of his tribe, were with the enemy; and by his spies, who were excellent, he was informed that they were highly elated at the retreat of Emmerick's corps, and applied it to the whole of the light troops at Kingsbridge. Lt. Col. Simcoe took measures to increase their belief; and, ordering a day's provision to be cooked, marched the next morning, the 31st of August, a small [p84] distance in front of the post, and determined to wait there the whole day, in hopes of betraying the enemy into an ambuscade: the country was most favourable to it. His idea was, as the enemy moved upon the road which is delineated in the plan as intersecting the country, to advance from his flanks; this movement would be perfectly concealed by the fall of the ground upon his right, and by the woods upon the left; and he meant to gain the heights in the rear of the enemy, attacking whomsoever should be within by his cavalry and such infantry as might be necessary. In pursuance of these intentions, Lt. Col. Emmerick, with his corps, was detached from the Queen's Rangers, and Legion; as, Lt. Col. Simcoe thought, fully instructed in the plan; however, he, most unfortunately, mistook the nearer house for one at a greater distance, the names being the same, and there he posted himself, and soon after sent from thence a patrole forward, upon the road, before Lt. Col. Simcoe could have time to stop it. This patrole had no bad effect, not meeting with any enemy: had a single man of it deserted, or been taken, the whole attempt had, probably, been abortive. Lt. Col. Simcoe, who was half way up a tree, on top of which was a drummer boy, saw a flanking party of the enemy approach. The troops had scarcely fallen into their ranks, when a smart firing was heard from the Indians, who had lined the fences of the road, and were exchanging shot with Lt. Col. Emmerick, whom they had discovered. The Queen's Rangers moved rapidly to gain the heights, and Lt. Col. Tarleton immediately [p85] advanced with the Huzzars, and the Legion cavalry: not being able to pass the fences in his front, he made a circuit to return further upon their right; which being reported to Lt. Col. Simcoe, he broke from the column of the Rangers, with the grenadier company, and, directing Major Ross to conduct the corps to the heights, advanced to the road, and arrived, without being perceived, within ten yards of the Indians. They had been intent upon the attack of Emmerick's corps, and the Legion; they now gave a yell, and fired upon the grenadier company, wounding four of them, and Lt. Col. Simcoe. They were driven from the fences; and Lt. Col. Tarleton, with the cavalry, got among them, and pursued them rapidly down Courtland's-ridge: that active officer had a narrow escape; in striking at one of the fugitives, he lost his balance and fell from his horse; luckily, the Indian had no bayonet, and his musket had been discharged. Lt. Col. Simcoe joined the battalion, and seized the heights. A Captain of the rebel light infantry, and a few of his men, were taken; but a body of them, under Major Stewart, who afterwards was distinguished at Stony Point, left the Indians, and fled. Though this ambuscade, in its greater part, failed, it was of consequence. Near forty of the Indians were killed, or desperately wounded; among others, Nimham, a chieftain, who had been in England, and his son; and it was reported to have stopt a larger number of them, who were excellent marksmen, from joining General Washington's army. The Indian doctor was taken; and he said, that when Nimham saw the grenadiers [p86] close in his rear, he called out to his people to fly, "that he himself was old, and would die there;" he wounded Lt. Col. Simcoe, and was killed by Wright, his orderly Huzzar. The Indians fought most gallantly; they pulled more than one of the cavalry from their horses; French, an active youth, bugle-horn to the Huzzars, struck at an Indian, but missed his blow; the man dragged him from his horse, and was searching for his knife to stab him, when, loosening French's hand, he luckily drew out a pocket-pistol, and shot the Indian through the head, in which situation he was found. One man of the Legion cavalry was killed, and one of them, and two of the Huzzars, wounded.
Colonel Gist, who commanded a light corps of the rebels, was posted near Babcock's house, from whence he made frequent patroles. Lt. Colonel Simcoe had determined to attack him; when, a deserter coming in, at night, who gave an accurate account of his position, the following morning was fixed upon for the attempt. General Kniphausen, who commanded at Kingsbridge, approved of the enterprize, and ordered a detachment of the Yagers to co-operate in it; Lt. Col. Emmerick undertook to lead the march, having, in his corps, people who were well acquainted with the country. The following disposition was made. Emmerick's infantry, followed by the Queen's Rangers, were to march through the meadows on the side of Valentine's hill, opposite Courtland's-ridge, and pass between the rebel sentries to Babcock's house, when they would be in the rear of Gist's encampment, [p87] which they were immediately to attack; Lieut. Col. Tarleton, with the whole of the cavalry, was to proceed to cover the right, and arrive at Valentine's hill by daylight; a detachment of Yagers, under Captain Wreden,5 were to march on Courtland's ridge, and to halt opposite to Gist's e